Cameron

Globalization
67
legitimizing linguistic uniformity?
Umberto Eco "search for the perfect language"
68
need: "uniform talking"; global community
norms
missing the point of meditation

new, powerful discourse on how we use language

harkening back to "linguistic imperialism"

69
instead of promoting one language over others, it involves promoting particular interaction norms, genres,  and speech-styles ACROSS languages "on the grounds that they are "maximally "effective" for purposes of "communication".

Japan - Western logic/ debate
"what is imposcd in cases like the one Kubota mentions is not son1eonc else's
language, but son1eone else 's definition of \vhat is acceptable or desirable in your
own."

surface diversity  - version of "unity in diversity" - new capitalism

70
 "good" / "effective" communication...white, middle class, US

NOT being reciprocated - Western being applied

global norms for effective communication; consultants

71
 communication "skills"; talking - still a need for this skill

72
"new work order" ; Gee changing verbal speaking to a "special skill"

language use vs. "hands" as new economy
freaky:
" The M1ork '!]. !Vacions, for1ner USA Labor Secretary ll<)bert
I\eich (1992) suggested that the traditi<)nal 'n1anual/non-n1anual' distinctio11 \Vas in
the jJroccss of being supcrse<led by a !lC\V division of labour, in \vl1ich an elite cl.ass
of 'S)'l1l boJic ana! ystS' -·· Creative professio11a!s skilJed ill t!1e 111Jllij)Ll latio11 or \VOrds,
nun1bcrs, in1ages a11d cligital bits - ,,·oulcl don1inate a n1uch larger a11<I less JJl"i\'ileged
group of \\'orkers providing routine ser\'ices, either 'in perso11' or behind the
scenes."

73
communication - not just something someone does, but something one IS

communicating empathy

gaining ground in schools
74
teaching "skills"

communication and "self improvement culture"

75
"technologization of workplace" Fairclough

 communication as...
"life skills"

76
"expert knowledge" for doing common place things...

77
history of rhetoric
different
"listening skills"

What is "effective listening" for?

notes fro 3.21

Language ideology - what does that mean?
dialectic between language and ideology

Fairclough/ Chiapello "new moment"  - does it really make a new claim - should include an analysis of history - claim about history without an historical anlaysis; Think of Holborow's discussions p. 56; still product oriented - world economy can't just produce "knowledge" alone
so...we are not just supporting "something else"
forgets that some people are still very involved in a manufacturing economy
"Discourse Overreach" - Lemke - how power manifests....not just all through consent...Lemke says there is still lots of violence; lack of materiality that is quite influential.

"Peace" rhetoric from post Cold War
- rhetoric - that everyone wins....World Systems Theory...suggests that not everyone is winning...surplus profits from poorer countries...interdisciplinary approach.

What connects language ideology
Social Structure
Speech Practices
language ideology connects those.
Language ideology - Holborow - language creates ways of thought

ideologies embedded in language - Holborow - capitalism embedded in way in which call centers are doing job

Ideologies of language - beliefs about language that people articulate themselves about the nature and function of language; various social practices embed an ideology of language.

 Meta awareness:  Notions about communication/ what it is, what it does (meta reflection on language - issues of  bilingualism - contradictions and conflicts)
"correctness"

Also...being used by call center for a certain point

Ideology
Woolard
ideology - Two conceptions - neutral (system of beliefs)--everything has an idealogy ,

 lived relations (Marxist - power structures in ideology - pejorative use - serves particular interests by masking them as universal interests - those who own the means of production - presented as though that system will serve particular interests. (also problematic, if we pull mask back...all will be fine)

Back to Holborow - language used in call centers "guests"

Woolard

235
"Alan Rumsey's definition, based
on Silverstein (1979), is a useful starting point: linguistic ideologies are "shared bodies
of commonsense notions about the nature of language in the world "(1990: 346). We
mean to include cultural conceptions not only of language and language variation, but
of the nature and purpose of communication, and of communicative behavior as an
enactment of a collective order (Silverstein 1987: 1-2)."
236
"The topic of language ideology may be one muchneeded
bridge between work on language structure and language politics, as well as
between linguistic and social theory. But more than just a unifying force, we hope that
attention to language ideology can be a key to a fresh and productive reformulation of
analytic problems."

subfeilds:
- grammatical ideaology
-purist ideaology
-language ideaolgy
-ideologies of standardizatin
-ideology/ies of language

"Ideology needs to be analyzed systematically in the study of
language,"

237
 "The label
ideology calls attention to the socially-situated and/or experientially-derived dimension
of cognition or consciousness, simultaneously positioning our research within
traditionally cultural and social theoretical realms."
prototypes
 1. Ideology - conceptual/ ideational - consciousness, beliefs, notions or ideas
"the basic notions that the
members of a society hold about a fairly definite area such as honor, the division of
laborr (or we could propose, language), and the interrelations and implications of such
sets of notions"



2. social position presented as universally true
" A second recurring point is that these ideological concepts or notions are viewed
as derived from, rooted in , reflective of, or responsive to the experience or interests
of a particular social position, although they may be presented as universally true."
238
3. "In a third perspective on ideology, the most central notion is that of distortion,
falsity, mystification, or rationalization."

4. legitimation "The fourth feature often attributed to ideology is an intimate connection to
social power and its legitimation. For J.B. Thompson, for example, ideology is
signification that is "essentially linked to the process of sustaining asymmetrical
relations of power - to maintaining domination.... by disguising, legitimating, or
distorting those relations" (1984: 4). In the strongest formulations of this principle,
ideology is always the tool or property of dominant social groups; cultural conceptions
belonging to oppositional or subordinate groups are by definition non-ideological."

"For Gouldner (1976: 23), ideology is a conscious public discourse, "that part of
consciousness which can be said" (Thompson 1984: 85). But in many other uses, the
claim is not necessarily one of conscious, deliberate, or systematically organized
thought. For example, we have seen above that Friedrich introduces the implications
of conceptual systems as also ideological. Friedrich characterizes his Whorfian notion
of "linguacultural ideology" (values implicit in a language and cultural system) as more
unconscious than other forms that have been called ideological, while nonetheless
conceptual (1989: 306-307)."

Woolard and Schieffelin

55
"We review here selected research on
cultural conceptions of language-its nature, structure, and use-and on conceptions
of communicative behavior as an enactment of a collective order
(277: 1-2). Although there are varying concerns behind the studies reviewed,
we emphasize language ideology as a mediating link between social structures
and forms of talk."

56
"Not only linguistic forms but social institutions such as the nation-state,
schooling, gender, dispute settlement, and law hinge on the ideologization of
language use. Research on gender and legal institutions has contributed important
and particularly pointed studies of language ideology, but they are reviewed
elsewhere (see 81, 213)."

scientists - back off...indeterminate

"Moreover, linguistic ideology, language ideology, and ideologies of
language are all terms currently in play. Although different emphases are
sometimes signaled by the different terms, with the first focusing more on
formal linguistic structures 1 and the last on representations of a collective
order, the fit of terms to distinctive perspectives is not perfect, and we use
them interchangeably here."

many "histories" - coordination

57
"Our purpose is not
to distinguish ideology of language from ideology in other domains of human
activity. Rather, the point is to focus the attention of anthropological scholars
of language on the ideological dimension, and to sharpen the understanding of
linguistic issues among students of ideology, discourse, and social domination."

Various definitions and some key concepts

"Linguistic/language ideologies have been defined as "sets of beliefs about
language articulated by users as a rationalization or justification of perceived
language structure and use" (275:193); with a greater social emphasis as
"self-evident ideas and objectives a group holds concerning roles of language
in the social experiences of members as they contribute to the expression of
the group" (135:53) and "the cultural system of ideas about social and linguistic
relationships, together with their loading of moral and political interests"
(162:255); and most broadly as "shared bodies of commonsense notions about
the nature oflanguage in the world" (258:346). Some of the differences among
these definitions come from debates about the concept of ideology itself.
Those debates have been well reviewed elsewhere (9, 31, 78, 100, 298, 327),
but it is worthwhile to mention some of the key dimensions of difference."

 This is what I was thinking:
"The basic division in studies of ideology is between neutral and critical
values of the term. The former usually encompasses all cultural systems of
representation; the latter is reserved for only some aspects of representation
and social cognition, with particular social origins or functional or formal
characteristics. Rumsey's definition oflinguistic ideology is neutral (258). For
Silverstein, rationalization marks linguistic ideology within the more general
category of metalinguistics, pointing toward the secondary derivation of ideologies,
their social-cognitive function, and thus the possibility of distortion
(275)."

"citing" ideaology: "A second division is the siting of ideology. Some researchers may read
linguistic ideology from linguistic usage, but others insist that the two must be
carefully differentiated (164)."

58
"influential
theorists have seen it as behavioral, pre-reflective, or structural, that is, an
organization of signifying practices not in consciousness but in lived relations
(see 78 for a review). An alertness to the different sites of ideology may
resolve some apparent controversies over its relevance to the explanation of
social or linguistic phenomena."

"of language to strategies
for maintaining social power, from unconscious ideology read from
speech practices by analysts to the most conscious native-speaker explanations
of appropriate language behavior. What most researchers share, and what
makes the term useful in spite of its problems, is a view of ideology as rooted
in or responsive to the experience of a particular social position, a facet
indicated by Heath's (135) and Irvine's (162) definitions. This recognition of
the social derivation of representations does not simply invalidate them if we
recognize that there is no privileged knowledge, including the scientific, that
escapes grounding in social life (205). Nonetheless, the term ideology reminds
us that the cultural conceptions we study are partial, contestable and contested,
and interest-laden ( 151 :382)."

Interesting...probably what I learned in anthropology:
""has always been talking about anyway" as culture now in the guise of
ideology (31 :26), but the reconceptualization implies a methodological stance
(279). The term ideology reminds analysts that cultural frames have social
histories and it signals a commitment to address the relevance of power relations
to the nature of cultural forms and ask how essential meanings about
language are socially produced as effective and powerful (9, 78, 241)."

" epiphenomenon, an
overlay of secondary and tertiary responses (34, 36), possibly intriguing but
relatively inconsequential for the fundamental questions of both anthropology
and linguistics. But several methodological traditions and topical foci have
encouraged attention to cultural conceptions of language."

59
"The ethnography of
speaking was chartered to study ways of speaking from the point of view of
events, acts, and styles, but Hymes (158) suggested that an alternative focus on
beliefs, values and attitudes, or on contexts and institutions would make a
different contribution. This alternative enterprise has been taken up more
recently. Language ideology has been made increasingly explicit as a force
shaping the understanding of verbal practices (21, 46, 91, 138b, 210, 272,
303). Genres are now viewed not as sets of discourse features, but rather as
"orienting frameworks, interpretive procedures, and sets of expectations"
(128:670; see also 23, 42, 43). Local conceptions of talk as self-reflexive
action have been explored for a variety of genres such as oratory (210),
disputes (38, 116, 186, 188, 196), conflict management (253, 315), and also as
the foundation of aesthetics in such areas as music (90)."

Critical response moves:
"speech act theory (13, 270) stimulated thought about linguistic ideology.
Speech act theory is grounded in an English linguistic ideology, a privatized
view of language emphasizing the psychological state of the speaker while
downplaying the social consequences of speech (308:22; cf 244, 255, 275).
This recognition triggered taxonomic studies of conceptualizations of speech
acts in specific linguistic communities (308, 318), research on metapragmatic
universals (309, 310), and numerous ethnographic challenges to the key assumptions
of speech act theory (74, 150, 178, 221)."

60
"Bauman's (22) historical
ethnography of language and silence in Quaker ideology was an important
development, because it addressed a more formal, conscious, and politically
strategic form of ideology. Silence has been recognized as carrying a paradoxical
potential for power that depends greatly on its varying ideologization
within and across communities (103)."

"Advocating a view of linguistic ideology
as interactional resource rather than shared cultural background, Briggs
finds social power achieved through the strategic use not just of particular
discursive genres, but of talk about such genres and their appropriate use (41)."


language contact/ competition and politics
colonizing force
Ireland
61
"The equation of one language/one people, the Wes tern insistence on
the authenticity and moral significance of the mother tongue, and associated
assumptions about the importance of purist language loyalty for the maintenance
of minority languages have all been criticized as ideological red herrings,
particularly in settings where multilingualism is more typical and where
a fluid or complex linguistic repertoire is valued (10, 176, 194, 206, 238, 273,
282)."

" less attention traditionally has been given to understanding
how the view of language as symbolic of self and community has
taken hold in so many different settings. Where linguistic variation appears to
be simply a diagram of social differentiation, the analyst needs to identify the
ideological production of that diagram (162). Recent studies of language politics
have begun to examine specifically the content and signifying structure of
nationalist language ideologies (127, 277, 285, 326)."

"Peirce's semiotic categories have been used to analyze the processes by
which chunks of linguistic material gain significance as representations of
particular populations (104). Researchers have distinguished language as an
index of group identity from language as a metalinguistically created symbol
of identity, more explicitly ideologized in discourse (105, 168, 302)."

62
"Moreover, symbolic
revalorization often makes discrimination on linguistic grounds publicly acceptable,
whereas the corresponding ethnic or racial discrimination is not ( 156,
193, 197, 219, 326). However, simply asserting that struggles over language
are really about racism does not constitute analysis. Such a tearing aside of the
curtain of mystification in a "Wizard of Oz theory of ideology" (9) begs the
question of how and why language comes to stand for social groups in a
manner that is socially both comprehensible and acceptable. The current program
of research is to address both the semiotic and the social process."


"Linguistic borrowing might appear superficially to
indicate speakers' high regard for the donor language. But Hill (148) argues
that socially-grounded linguistic analysis of Anglo-American borrowings and
humorous misrenderings of Spanish reveals them as racist distancing strategies
that reduce complex Latino experience to a subordinated, commodity
identity. The commodification of ethnolinguistic stereotypes, ostensibly positive,
is also seen in the use of foreign languages in Japanese television advertising
(124)."

"Linguistic ideology is not a predictable, automatic reflex of the social
experience of multilingualism in which it is rooted; it makes its own contribution
as an interpretive filter in the relationship of language and society (211).
The failure to transmit vernaculars intergenerationally may be rationalized in
various ways, depending on how speakers conceptualize the links of language,
cognition, and social life."

63
parents


"Beliefs about what is or is not a real language, and underlying these beliefs,
the notion that there are distinctly identifiable languages that can be isolated,
named, and counted, enter into strategies of social domination. Such beliefs,
and related schemata for ranking languages as more or less evolved, have
contributed to profound decisions about, for example, the civility or even the
humanity of subjects of colonial domination (93, 166, 204, 216, 236). They
also qualify or disqualify speech varieties from certain institutional uses and
their speakers from access to domains of privilege (37, 57, 68, 120, 191, 288)."

Policy
" has sketched a taxonomy of language ideologies underlying
planning efforts: assimilation, pluralism, vernacularization, and internationalization
(4, 51). At an even more fundamental level, Ruiz (257) distinguishes
three fundamental orientations to language as resource, problem, or right (see
also 152), and commentators on bilingual and immigrant education have noted
such orientations conflated within these programs (117, 135)."

"
At an even more fundamental level, Ruiz (257) distinguishes
three fundamental orientations to language as resource, problem, or right (see
also 152), and commentators on bilingual and immigrant education have noted
such orientations conflated within these programs (117, 135). The model of
development is pervasive in post-colonial language planning, with paradoxical
ideological implications that condemn languages, like societies, to perennial
status as underdeveloped (32, 87, 110).

64
linguistic standard
 "recognized
as human artifacts, but are naturalized by metaphors such as that of the
free market (172, 277). Ideological analysis addresses questions such as how
doctrines of linguistic correctness and incorrectness are rationalized or how
they are related to doctrines of the inherent representational power, beauty, and
expressiveness of language as a valued mode of action (276:223; 18)."

purism
loan words "sanctity of language"
65

Othography - Palmer Method

Literacy
"Derrida's (71) deconstruction of a Western view of speech as natural, authentic,
and prior to the mere lifeless inscriptions of alien, arbitrary writing, has
brought considerable attention to ideas about the spoken and written word.
Eighteenth century Japanese elite notions of language also included a phonocentric
ideology stressing the primacy, immediacy, and transparency of speech
over writing (259). Javanese do not share the view of the original voice as the
authentic (273). Not all commentators on Western ideology find the oral bias
Derrida describes. Harris (131) argues that a scriptism founded in European
literate experience is smuggled into the apparent oral bias of contemporary
linguistic concepts, from the sentence through the word to the phoneme."

"Anthropological studies of literacy (e.g. its introduction in oral societies or
its use in schooling) recognized belatedly that it is not an autonomous, neutral
technology, but rather is culturally organized, ideologically grounded, and
historically contingent, shaped by political, social, and economic forces (53,
56, 58, 60, 97, 138, 161, 223, 266, 269, 290-292)."

66
"For
Chambri (108) and Yekuana, "fixity" in writing is the source of danger;
printed words are not responsive to social circumstances. Maori convictions
tliat there is an authoritative oral text captured only weakly by a written treaty
are an ironic Platonic counterpoint to European-origin New Zealanders' search
for a true text among multiple written translations of the treaty in which the
government is rooted (208)." Treaty

" Transcription, or the written representation of speech, within academic
disciplines and law, for example, relies on and reinforces ideological conceptions
of language (73:71; 83, 120, 159, 262, 295)."

Historical Linguistics
Colonial Linguistics
""Language has always been the companion of empire," asserted the sixteenth
century Spanish grammarian Nebrija (161, 225). Some of the most provocative
recent work on linguistic ideology, clearly tracing the links among linguistic,
ideological, and social forms, comes from studies of colonialism."

69
Histiography
"Professional, scientific linguistics in the twentieth century has nearly uniformly
rejected prescriptivism, but many authors argue that this rejection hides
a smuggled dependence on and complicity with prescriptive institutions for the
very subject matter of the field. Rather than registering a unitary language,
linguists helped to form one (66:48; 131, 132). Sankoff (261) argues that
contemporary positivist linguistic methodologies that invoke a scientific rationale
are imposed ideologically by the same interests that propagate norrnativism
and prescriptivism. The idealism of modern autonomous linguistics has
come under concerted ideological scrutiny (37, 157, 173, 320; cf 68, 227)."
70
 "To the
extent that speakers conceptualize language as socially purposive action, we
must look at their ideas about the meaning, function, and value of language in
order to understand the extent and degree of systematicity in empirically
occuring linguistic forms (cf 47, 129, 209, 212)."

 "To
understand one's own linguistic usage is potentially to change it (275:233).
Imperfect, limited awareness of linguistic structures, some of which are more
available to conscious reflection than are others, leads speakers to make generalizations
that they then impose on a broader category of phenomena, changing
those phenomena (see also 181). Structure conditions ideology, which then
reinforces and expands the original structure, distorting language in the name
of making it more like itself (37, 258)." Really? Always?



change


Errington
Labov

"Labov differentiates mechanisms of change from below
and above the level of speakers' awareness. He argues that subconscious
changes are extensive and systematic, while conscious self-correction, which
he labels ideology, leads to sporadic and haphazard effects on linguistic forms
(190:329). But several authors note that correlational sociolinguistic models
gloss over the actual motivating force of linguistic change, which often lies in
social evaluations of language (85, 162, 261).
Errington (86) argues that Labov's generalization is most applicable to
phonological variation, which may not be mediated by speakers' understandings
of their conscious communicative projects. More pragmatically salient
classes of variables are recognized by speakers as crucial linguistic mediators
of social relations, and speakers' awareness makes these variables more
susceptible to rationalization and strategic use (85, 240). Because such awareness
and use drive linguistic change, these variables require a fundamentally
different, participant-oriented analysis (86).
Irvine (162) notes that the formal linguistic characteristics of Hallidayan
anti-languages, such as inversion, are not arbitrary and that they suggest the
mediation of ideological conceptualizations of linguistic structures. Similarly,
subordinate languages in contact situations can acquire both functional and
formal properties of anti-languages."

71
"that reveal a tendency to see propositionality as the essence of language,
to confuse the indexical function of language with the referential function,
and to assume that the divisions and structures of language should-and
in the best circumstances do-transparently fit the structures' of the real world
(39, 162, 181, 212, 237, 250, 274, 275, 278). A focus on the surface segmentable
aspects of language, a conception of language focusing on words and
expressions that denote, is widely attested (32, 57, 112, 220, 277). But Rumsey
(258) argues that it is not characteristic of Australian aboriginal cultures,
which do not dichotomize talk and action or words and things, and Rosaldo
(255) similarly asserts that Ilongots think of language in terms of action rather
than reference."

ideology variation

Holborow

51
"The ideology of the global market insinuates itself everywhere. At a macro level,
international reports, often emanating from the IMF, the World Bank and the
OECD, chime thick and fast with assumed notions about the need to deregulate,
to open up state companies and services to market competition, to pursue further
trade liberalisation. At a micro level, almost every company website, mission statement
and strategic plan pronounces that ‘demand’ and ‘competition’ are synonymous
with efficiency, cost-effectiveness and ‘best practice’."
Issues with neoliberal world
52
Free markets (commodities and capital) contain all necessary
"to deliver freedom and well-being to all and sundry” (Harvey 2003:
201). The strains of the market resonate not just through official documents, but at
every meeting, in emails and the language of individuals. Ironically, for an ideology
so given to the promotion of ‘choice’, it is expressed in a drab uniformity which
would have made a Soviet bloc bureaucrat blush."

" In what ways is English the bearer of this ideology
and part of US global dominance? Is language playing a more salient, constitutive
role in capitalism today? With ever greater use of communication technologies to
promote, sell and keep selling, has language itself become a product in capitalist
production? Is discourse the same as ideology and, if not, how does ideology interact
with language?"

language ideology interconnection

contested definitions - her definition
" 1. Ideology can appropriately be described as meaning in the service of power
(Thompson 1990: 7). It is a set of ideas that emerges from specific social relations
and supports the interests of a particular social class.

53
2.First, the vision of the world that an
ideology presents can clash with what is actually happening and this can lead
to its seemingly accepted status being questioned. Secondly, there are competing
and different ideologies that exist in society, which means that even
dominant ideologies do not always hold sway and, depending on the weight of
other forms of social contest, are open to being opposed in unpredictable ways
(Gramsci 1971: 333).

3. Language, particularly, because it is everywhere in society and a highly sensitive
indicator of social change, is an immediate (although not the only2) way
of grasping ideology..." (language as tool)

"Because ideology crystallizes
in language, ideology can appear as if frozen in language. Repeated from the lofty
heights of the media and positions of power, these ideological representations can
acquire the status of natural truths and common sense."

Gramsci
" Gramsci made when he identified that this uncritical acceptance was
part of how ruling ideas won consent, or hegemony. In particular, language could
give specific expression to a whole ideology, bestow a new twist to established ways
of thinking which then becomes taken for granted, almost self-evident (Gramsci
1971: 323–325; 418–425)."

metaphor - invisible envelop
54
"‘Labour is a
resource’. The metaphor equates human work with a natural resource which places
the speaker inadvertently in a position which ignores the quality of labour and
sees labour like oil — the cheaper the better (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 236–237)."

Raymond Williams
" Writing at a time of social upheaval, he
could see how language did not simply reflect the processes of society but that
within language itself, some important social historical processes occurred. He
selected certain ‘keywords’ in post-Second World War Britain which he saw as
particularly ideologically sensitive and which encapsulated this dynamic"

"This questioning of the ideological meaning of words can take place over long periods
of time or can be concentrated into shorter periods, especially when social upheavals
and crises break down normal assumptions. Williams’s observations sprang
from the social turmoil post-Second World War and his insights about consensus
and contention around language have, as we shall see, particular resonance again."

55
"One of the
first to lay bare the ideological role that English played for first the British Empire
and then for US imperialism was Robert Phillipson (1992). He locates ‘Englishization’
and linguistic imperialism as part of the project of globalisation order that has
increased the global gap between the haves and the have-nots and he sees English
as an instrument in global dominance (Phillipson 2004). He accepts that this hegemonic
ordering could be challenged but focuses on a challenge outside English
rather than within it."

"This viewpoint underestimates the dynamic of language and the roles of speakers
in its making. ‘Linguistic imperialism’ may highlight the reality of US global
domination, but it also glosses over tensions and challenges that make themselves
felt within a language. Opposition to language dominance, Phillipson proposes,
should take the form of promotion of other and minority languages, as if languages
themselves are ideological standpoints. No one could fail to recognise the fact
that real language choice hardly exists anywhere in the unequal world of today;
nor could anyone deny the ongoing need to defend the right for everyone to speak
their own language."

"As transnational corporations know all
too well, ‘localisation’ can easily live with globalisation. Seeing shifts into other
languages as an act of resistance can overlook — as nationalist ideology often has
— that not every speaker of a dominant language is in a position of power and
minority languages can also be exclusionary and enforced by elites. Opposition to
the system and contesting dominant ideology takes different forms worldwide and
is not dependent on using a particular language."

56
Hardt Negri

"maintain that language itself maintains
social hierarchies — within and across communities “as a relationship between
power and knowledge” (205, 132). They argue that language has become part of"
what they call immaterial production which has become “internal to labour” by
creating “new means of collaboration” and “external to capital” because it is created
outside direct production processes (2005, 147)."

Author, though, says:
 fa

57
" While ideology may help to tie people to the power structures of society, the
manufacture of consent is only one aspect of how capitalism governs, and not even
the determining one. Those in power rule by both force and consent, a fact which
is often left out in accounts of discourse and society, as Blommaert reminds us
(Blommaert 2005: 167–169). The power of discourse is not of the same order as
the power of capital both in terms of experience and effect and forgetting this fails
to identify the driving force of the system as a whole, the drive for profits (Jones,
2004)."

"I argue
here that the notion of ideology, as distinct but also interacting with language, allows
us to better understand the dynamic of social relations of which the makers
of language are part. Ideology, in the Marxist sense, with its constant reference to
wider social forces, helps maintain this vital proportionality and therefore remains
an indispensable tool in any critique of power in society."


metaphors winning degrees of acceptance

"As the US sociologist Michael Mann points out, what the “rest of the world calls
neoliberalism” the US calls “encouraging the world toward more open trade”, preferably
that which favours the US,..."

58
Austrian history
 "The group shared a nostalgia for classical nineteenth century
ideals of laissez-faire entrepreneurialism which, Hayek believed, had been effaced
under the state control of both Nazi and communist totalitarianism (Hayek
1979). Individualism and its making of a ‘spontaneous’, rather than planned, social
order was the fount of social and economic progress. (1979: 12–13)."

"His ideas remained obscure until
economic crisis struck in the 1970s when they found new powerful patrons in the
Institute of Economic Affairs in London, the Heritage Foundation in Washington
and particularly the University of Chicago, where Milton Friedman was drawing
up pure neoliberal models for the economies of South America (Harvey 2005: 74).
Neoliberalism moved centre stage this side of the Atlantic with Thatcher’s government
and her dictum that there was no such thing as society, only individual men
and women. Soon after, under Reagan, Washington channelled the new thinking
through the global conduit of the IMF and required Mexico to implement neoliberal
reforms in return for debt rescheduling."

" describe modern-day neoliberalism as a coherent ideology
and to see its workings through language was the French sociologist Pierre
Bourdieu. He saw the new thinking was “destroying collective structures which
may impede the pure market logic” and the free market was acquiring the status
of unassailable scientific theory. Its advocates — which he saw in the case of
France as an unholy alliance of political, administrative and business elite — presented
free market economics as a kind of incontestable logic
59
"Earlier than other critics of capitalist globalisation, he saw how French capitalism
was restructuring and its new elites embracing economic liberalism. They claimed
it was the necessary condition of political liberty despite the fact that neoliberal
policies were restricting people’s choices not expanding them (Bourdieu 1999). He
argued that a section of the dominant class were tied closely to corporate interests
and together they imposed a unique form of French neoliberalism through state
dirigisme (Lane 2000: 166–192)."

"Interestingly, for one so critical of market fundamentalism,
he sees expressions gaining legitimacy through a kind of linguistic market
(Bourdieu 1992: 106–159). But he stressed how neoliberal logic could be contested
and, returning to an older tradition amongst French intellectuals, reengaged with
the struggles against privatisation and labour deregulation in France. He reaffirmed
the important political role of academics in taking a stand against the facile
identification between economic liberalism and political liberty, and the fake universalism
of the ‘new neoliberal doxa’ which, in reality, serves the interests of the
dominant class (Bourdieu, 2003: 23)."

" Cameron 2001; Fairclough 2003; Blommaert
2003; Heller 2003). Hall, referring to the ‘new managerialism’, has showed how
it becomes the conduit for neoliberal ideas in institutions and the ideology that
turns citizens into consumers (Hall 2003). His view is that people have been inculcated
to a new culture-change, a new kind of common sense “so that slowly
but surely everybody … becomes his/her own kind of ‘manager’” (Hall 2003).
Others remain sceptical that the ‘new managerialism’ has gained consensus."

"Fairclough
also makes the point that much of the manager discourse remains at the
official rather the informal level and few actually adopt the language as their own
(Fairclough 2002: 195)."
60
"Hasan (2003) takes just this approach,
with some interesting insights. She shows how the semantic shift from global, with
its straightforward meaning of “concerning or including the whole world” to globalisation
which now included “lower costs of production”, “expansion of companies
“ and “appropriate take-overs” coincided with the aftermath of the fall of the
Berlin Wall and the opening up of the new markets to global capitalism (Hasan
2003: 434–5). In the same article she identifies processes of meaning shift that
reveal ways in which ideology becomes consensual in language. Re-semanticisation,
which was used in the context of world Englishes and the ways in which they
adapted to different cultures, she sees as a key process whose boundaries here are
set by power and the control of wealth."

"Liberalization of
trade, for example, not only confers all the positive evaluations of liberal (freedom,
tolerance and moderation) to trade but also, she shows, enacts semantic reversal
in so far as global trade is stripped of its self-interest and becomes, as if magically,
in the interest of others (Hasan 2003: 441)."

customer frame
 market place in higher ed
61
"For example, it is not uncommon in educational settings for students to be
referred to as ‘customers’, and not always in quotes. The identification between
what was a traditional customer in receipt of a good in exchange for money and
a student in a learning institution is a metaphor redolent with ideology. It evokes
superficially positive factors, in this case of putting the student first and responding
to what she or he might want."

" The rounded experience of teaching and learning is not
just about product transference from lecturer to student but (as anyone engaged
in it will know) about reciprocity, reference to a larger world and many other
things besides. Behind this ideological metaphor lies something else which does
not make the apparent centering on the student innocent."


"The conversion of
education into a service, learning into a product and a degree into a cash transaction
is not without its ironies in our much heralded ‘knowledge’ economy. From
an ideological point of view, it shows how the intended positive re-semanticisation
of customer can have the opposite effect and actually connote a much diminished
picture of the learning process."

62
Assylum seekers

"customer"
63
64
"Customer’ equalises everyone;
applying it beyond those involved in a purely commercial transaction to other
groups of people distorts social relations and effaces social power. The oppressive
state of affairs which sees individuals having to move from one end of the globe to
another (often as a result of global neoliberal strategies of market restructuring)
and, once having ar65
rived in a strange land, to be subjected to rigorously strict immigration
laws is blithely smoothed away in the customer designation."
:(
"Marx’s description of ideology entailed two crucial aspects: dominant ideologies
reflected the interests of the ruling class and that in this respect they
consisted of a distorted view of the world. Applying the workings of the market
to asylum- seeking, through the apparently anodyne use of ‘customer’, shows
both processes at work."

65
"This is a kind of discrimination in reverse, an
ideological representation whose effacing of social conflict is so exaggerated that
it fails to be perceived as true. Even through their own customer awareness prism,
the Refugee Office recognises something of this dilemma as the quaint “Please
Note” addendum after the Complaints section makes clear: complaints about the
decision to refuse asylum — something that we know over 90% of these ‘customers’
will experience — are ruled out."

customized talk
conditioning factors

"The ideology is presented in simple terms and part of the appeal is to present a
straight line from the individual consumer to the overall workings of the economy,
both stretching towards an endless horizon of ever-greater consumerism. In this
scheme of things individualism and individual interaction is at a premium."
66-67
"Service providers, selling face to face or on-line
adopt what is conventionally considered to be the discourse of interpersonal relationships
in an effort to establish stronger affective links with their customers."

Friendliness at odds with producity (vaneer)

post industrial world?


frustration...call centers


Reminds me of issues at REI

(somewhere?)
"Bourdieu stressed the weight of the neoliberal consensus within what he
called symbolic capital. Interestingly, for one so critical of market fundamentalism,
he sees expressions gaining legitimacy through a kind of linguistic market
(Bourdieu 1992: 106–159)."

Blommaert; political linguist

1
1995 Conference - Linguistic Society of Belgium
introduce term "political linguistics"
"It was essential to our purpose
to be able to get a panoramic view of a series of developments in that field, and
so to seek coherence, structure, but also confrontation and conflict. Restricting the
conference to one of the themes previously mentioned would run the risk of
bringing together people who, by and large, already agreed on some basic
assumptions and premises; we wanted more diversity, more difference and
divergence in opinions. Hence 'political linguistics', a term which did not have the
currency of the more established terms, but which drew the attention of a wide
variety of scholars interested in language and politics.1"
2
move from Critical linguistics and critical discourse which was based on "interrelation between language and society":
"shaped a European tradition based on (often Hallidayan) discourse analysis,
critical theory and post-structuralism, Mancism and feminism, and cross-fertilized
by new developments in discourse-oriented social psychology (e.g. Billig 1991;
Wetherell & Potter 1992). Developments in that field were (and are) directed by
what Ruth Wodak describes as 'a shared perspective', which focuses on
"analyzing opaque as well as transparent structural relationships of dominance,
discrimination, power and control as manifested in language" ( 1995: 204)"

"Work within the
tradition has been characterized by its problem-oriented nature: preference is given
to topics which are sensed to be of particular sociopolitical relevance: ethnic
minorities, women, but also media discourse, political rhetoric, schoolbooks, the
structure of education and so on. The work is ofte11 explicitly political, and it
focuses on identifiable social and political actors. A particular concern is the way
in which the public domain functions as an ideology-reproducing system, in which
hard sociopolitical realities are shaped and reshaped by the virtuose (ab)use of
genres, instruments and channels of communication, blended into conununication
products which can hardly be decrypted as 'political', and in which the material
processes and direct interests of the groups producing the message can be
dissimulated or embellished. By doing this, Critical Linguistics and Critical
Discourse Analysis also attempt to enlarge the social-theoretical basis on which
their analyses are founded."

3
 "by the work of Michael Silverstein (e.g. 1979).
Language ideologies or ideologies of language are shared perceptions of what a
language is, what it is made of, what pmpose it serves, and how it should be used.
These perceptions, Silverstein argues, are sociocultural in nature. They reside in
the grammatical organization of the language (Silverstein here reinstates Whorf)
as well as in semiotic processes at large, which Silverstein calls 'indexical': they
'index' sociocultural background knowledge and, hence, social structure, and so
give sense and 'reality' to social actions (see, for a discussion, Woolard &
Schieffelin 1994)."

"That way, language ideologies or ideologies of language
become a "mediating link between social structures and fonns of talk" (Woolard
1992: 235), and 'metapragmatics' - the "study of a metalevel at which verbal
communication is self-referential to various degrees" (Verschueren 1995b: 367)
- hccomes a central concern in the analysis of the political and ideological
dimensions of various forms of everyday language usage (see Kroskrity et al.
1992)."

"The same American anthropological-linguistic tradition yielded highly
critical concepts of text and text-meaning, focused on the way in which text can
be moved in and out of contexts and so become instruments for all kinds of social,
cultural and political strategies (Silverstein & Urban 1996, Bauman & Briggs
1990). Thus, textual practices can be identified as central political strategies for
creating, sustaining or solving conflicts, and conflicts can be inextricably linked
to textual practices (sec e.g. Briggs 1996)."

" could be noted that a different concept of 'ideology'
is used in the Silverstein-inspired work, than in that of the 'European' critical
linguists. In many Silverstein-inspired works, ideology is socially situated and
articulated in everyday practices (like in European critical approaches), but the
concept appears less 'harmful' or Jess explicitly power-imbued than in current
European conceptions. The latter are very often inspired by a public domainoriented
Frankfurt School approach. At the same time, a conception of' ideology'
as shared beliefs and perceptions of 'how things should be done' is not incompatible
with views of ideology as 'naturalized power', as power which no longer looks
like power, and can thus be inserted in studies which cover more familiar ground
for Europeans."

4
" Various scholars have investigated the way in which linguistic analysis
carries an ideological load, either in the shape of particular conceptions of
language (as the studies in Joseph & Taylor 1990 demonstrate), or in the
structuration of linguistic research itself (as argued in Cameron et al. 1992)"

" A
fascinating and highly critical pattern of analysis into professional practice was
developed by Charles Goodwin (1994). Delving into the minute details of'expert'
talk, Goodwin finds 'professional vision': patterns of discursive practices that
shape the profession's identity. The detailed deconstruction of what can be read
in other contexts as scientific objectivity can easily be transposed to practices in
linguistics or pragmatics (Blommaert 1997)."

"Williams (1992) launched a
forceful attack against mainstream sociolinguistics, demonstrating that the bulk
of the work within that tradition uncritically adopted a Parsonian social-theoretical
framework; Kandiah (1991), Meeuwis (1994), and Blommaert (1995), among
others, criticized studies on intercultural communication for being concerned with
epiphenomena and for being burdened by mystifying concepts of 'culture' and
'communication' (see also Sarangi 1995). Mainstream pragmatics was criticized
because of its reliance on intentionality as a central concept (Du Bois 1987,
Duranti 1988, Sarangi & Slembrouck 1992)." Whoa. What is being criticized


"Another set of developments could be noted in the field of macrosocietal
language studies, more specifically in the study of language and nationalism and
in that oflanguage policy and language planning. Both had been 'sleeping' areas
of study, after the boom in language planning and language-and-nation-building
studies in the late 1960s and the 1970s "

issues - ethnicity/ nationalism
 5
Shift to language policies treated:
" from a descriptive or prescriptive angle, but they are now given an interpretive
analytical component. At the same time, these approaches are strongly interdisciplinary,
combining linguistic ethnography with historical, sociological and
political analyses. Nationalism is made tangible as a set of identifiable practices,
connected to and transmitted through power structures, and legitimized by various
kinds of peripheral discourses."

" Together, this bundle of features (of which language is a central
identificatory ingredient) makes up the people's 'unicity' (Blommaert &
Verschueren 1992). A comparison of such ethno-theories can yield insights in the
structure of different versions of nationalism - itself too often an object of
analytical homogeneism (see Blommaert l 996a). Analyses of such ethno-theories
can also elucidate the sometimes intricate interrelationships between the political
treatment of language issues - standardization, purism, pluralism or laissez faire
-and more general political agendas, whether connected to nation-building aims,
to democratization, or to more prozaic aims of dominance and control"

"This political dimension is probably a new element in the discourse of
language planning. In the past, the tradition of studies on language planning was
often marked by an assumption of political and ideological neutrality, by
rationalism and by a belief that an objective inventory of real linguistic needs,
resources and possibilities would yield the best language plan for any given
couhay (see Blommaert 1996b)."

South Africa - language after Apartheid; "language planning"

6
"The shift is primarily located, we believe, in the
awareness of linguists themselves: the awareness that politics, power, ideology
and other concepts that were hitherto strictly off limits to self-respecting linguists
are relevant, sometimes even crucial, in explaining linguistic phenomena of
various types and sizes."

"Consequently, they have to be made part of the conceptual,
theoretical and methodological apparatus of language studies. Those who
believe that language and society are intertwined (and some people still don't)
cannot avoid considering the side-effects this has on the definition of their main
object of study. Language is a social phenomenon, ergo a historical, cultural,
political and ideological phenomenon."


"Consequently, they have to be made part of the conceptual,
theoretical and methodological apparatus of language studies. Those who
believe that language and society are intertwined (and some people still don't)
cannot avoid considering the side-effects this has on the definition of their main
object of study. Language is a social phenomenon, ergo a historical, cultural,
political and ideological phenomenon."
7
"was language politics: language
practices (micro or macro, everyday or institutional, individual or collective)
which have political purposes, effects, characteristics or aspects. Given
Silverstein's all-embracing view oflanguage ideologies, every act of language is
part of language politics - the articulation of language ideologies - and what
sociolinguists used to call 'cultural' or 'social' dimensions of language and
language use now falls within the scope of language politics."

" Connections between various
categories were expressed by the connector 'and': language and culture, language
and cognition, etc. It now seems clear that an appropriate study oflanguage and
politics should seek to do away with this legacy of categorization, which rests on
an assumption of separate, closed but interacting entities, each having its own
characteristics and each being an autonomous object of investigation (language
and culture, for instance}. Not without malice, one could notice that this exercise
of chopping social realities into separate and autonomous objects has had a
neutralizing effect on the analytical scope and power of linguistics."

"This is, of course, a call for interdisciplinarity, one out of many. But the
interdisciplinarity proposed here is not a matter of either juxtaposing separate,
autonomous approaches, supported, if need be, by a tenninological or conceptual
consensus ad hoc; nor of picking theoretical insights or concepts a la carte from
adjacent disciplines. It is an intrinsic, internal interdisciplinarity which is based on
a redefinition of the object of study and of the scope of the approach. Definitions
of language should include the interwovenness with society, and the scope of
language studies should include concerns that are far removed from its traditional
restricted domain."
8

Notes 3.14

Issues of - persuasion, action,
Charland - we don't have a "transmission model" of audience
don't account for audience
don't conflate rhetoric with persuasision
- audience can't always have a "free choice" to respond to discourse - agency

IDENTIFICATION
133
"Burke's
stress on identification permits a rethinking of judgment and the working of the
rhetorical effect, for he does not posit a transcendent subject as audience member,
who would exist prior to and apart from the speech to be judged, but considers
audience members to participate in the very discourse by which they would be
"persuaded." Audiences would embody a discourse. A consequence of this theoretical
move is that it permits an understanding within rhetorical theory of ideological
discourse, of the discourse that presents itself as always only pointing to the given, the
natural, the already agreed upon."

We need to have a point of contact

Individuals (disconnected from social)
Subjects/ Subjectivities - genre of social construct - beyond individuality (certain identifications with where you grew up) - dimensions of social and political - IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION
Audience then, they can be audience -- when there is an expectation

"In other words, rhetorical theory usually refuses to
consider the possibility that the very existence of social subjects (who would become
audience members) is already a rhetorical effect. Nevertheless, much of what we as
rhetorical critics consider to be a product or consequence of discourse, including
social identity, religious faith, sexuality, and ideology is beyond the realm of rational
or even free choice, beyond the realm of persuasion. As Burke notes, the identifications
of social identity can occur "spontaneously, intuitively, even unconsciously."5
Such identifications are rhetorical, for they are discursive effects that induce human
cooperation. They are also, however, logically prior to persuasion."

141
"The necessity is ontological: one must
already be a subject in order to be addressed or to speak. We therefore cannot say that
one is persuaded to be a subject; one is "always already" a subject. This does not
imply, however, that one's subject position is fixed at the moment one enters
language."

142
"To be an embodied subject is to experience and act in a textualized
world."

So - CORDOVA - embody the subjectivity: persuasion happens automatically

“The religious allusions of the Catecismo proposed a long and noble history for jibaros as good Christian men (a universal identity) poised once again to act in accordance with Christian moral precepts" (221). And as unlikely as it sounds, Cordova’s explanation of the appeal of  the question answer format as a way to participate in “dialogue” speaks to the way in which this particular constituency (jibaros) had been marginalized by parties in the past (226).

Interpellation:
talk about the Quebeco as though they already exist - act in a certain way...People read that narrative and feel like it is speaking to them.
Recruiting subjects into action (find a certain group of individuals) MOVE to identity which then moves to action.
Creating possibilities of action
Reminds me of "redneck" - certain ppl interpellated
subjects people take up
Certain kind of story gets told - Tea Party
"consubstantiality" - exist with a historical force (presently)

Power - to make a subject is to subjugate!
138
Agency of addressee
 Althuser:
interpellation":
22
I shall then suggest that ideology "acts" or "functions" in such a way that it "recruits"
subjects among the individuals (it recruits them all), or "transforms" the individuals into
subjects (it transforms them all) by that very precise operation which I have called
interpellation or hailing, and which can be imagined along the lines of the most
commonplace everyday police (or other) hailing: "Hey, you there1"23
Interpellation occurs at the very moment one enters into a rhetorical situation, that
is, as soon as an individual recognizes and acknowledges being addressed. An
interpellated subject participates in the discourse that addresses him. Thus, to be
interpellated is to become one of Black's personae and be a position in a discourse. In
consequence, interpellation has a significance to rhetoric, for the acknowledgment of
an address entails an acceptance of an imputed self-understanding which can form
the basis for an appeal.
dialogical - hearing that you've been hailed
are people turned into objects? Are they stripped from agency? 
41
Thieme - different?
Subject positions that speakers create for their audience
Creating subjects addressed as audience

Charland...certain rhetorical work happens before others...Don't have an audience unless social subject (how to get from subject to audience???)

Concept of audience....in field move from Park in 1982?

Zagacki - offers WHO gets to do the constituting? In what situations does that work? Not? Was Bush even to be speaking to the group at all?

Doesn't build argument about whether we should be there at all.
Who is authorized to speak at all - the entire moment of speech is illegitimate
dualism....Constitutes American audience as well as Iraqis
distinction...spoken to or spoken about?  Overhearer? (p. 36)

important to think of ideological functions

Zagacki

272
"According to Maurice Charland (1987), constitutive rhetorics are crucial during
‘‘founding’’ moments when advocates try to ‘‘interpellate’’ or ‘‘hail’’ audiences, calling a
common, collective identity into existence. As Charland might say, President Bush as
well as administration officials ‘‘addressed and so attempted to call into being’’ a unified
and democratic Iraqi ‘people’ (p. 134)."

273
" Prophetic dualism
holds that Americans are morally and spiritually superior and destined to spread
‘‘good’’ around the globe."

"To be sure, Americans formed the President’s primary
audience: he interpellated them as prophetic dualists. But the effectiveness of Bush’s
rhetorical campaign also hinged on the way he articulated subject positions for
people living in Iraq through a process of ‘‘identification’’ in the uniquely American
prophetic dualist narrative.3 For Bush, the whole idea of ‘regime change’ presupposed
that Iraqis would participate in and secure democratic practices."

 "By the end of 2006, rather than ‘‘reconstituting’’ Iraqis as a unified and
democratic ‘people,’ the President’s policy resulted in what the bipartisan Iraq Study
Group called a ‘‘grave and deteriorating’’ situation (Baker et al., 2006, p. 6)."

 "My purpose in this article is to investigate President Bush’s Iraq war speeches as
failed constitutive rhetoric. My study is guided by three overarching questions: (1)
Why did Bush’s speeches fail as constitutive rhetoric? (2) How did these speeches
invoke or impose constraints on the American–Iraqi relationship in the form of what
I shall call ‘‘constitutive paradoxes?’’ (3) What rhetorical opportunities are afforded
by the failure of constitutive rhetoric? I will argue that, in the process of trying to
create identification between Americans and Iraqis, making them partners in a democratic
founding, Bush’s discourse contributed to the emergence of conditions that
were in many ways diametrically opposed to the democratic transformation he was
promoting, creating several troubling constitutive paradoxes. The choice of the term
‘‘constitutive paradox’’ stems from the work of Kenneth Burke (1968). Burke writes
that many attempts to define audiences as democratic, in effect reconstituting their
identities, reveal ‘‘the paradox that these doctrines of progress contributed their part
to usher in precisely the gloom they thought they were ushering out’’ (p. 331)."

" In
Iraq, as my analysis suggests, President Bush’s rhetoric addressed Americans as givers
of democracy and freedom and the people of Iraq as the recipients, a constitution
that could only last so long as democratization made progress."

"More specifically,
he addressed an audience of Iraqis that he believed was already consubstantial with

274
'the very identity he sought to call into existence, as if their identity was intrinsic to
them, ‘‘existed prior to or served as the ‘container’ of their political community’’
(Charland, 2001, p. 68). In Iraq, however, the views of Shiites and Sunnis, in particular,
were already ‘‘a rhetorical’’ or ‘‘ideological effect,’’ as Charland (1987) might
put it. These views held more ideological sway with most Iraqis than did the discourse
of national identity proposed by Bush, which assumed the existence of a universal
desire for democracy."

" As Charland (1987) suggests, President Bush assumed and
presumed the existence of a fundamental collective identity for his audiences, a kind
of collective ‘we’. In fact, the collective ‘we’ is a shifting formation: the identity of a
reconstituted people, their borders and who counts as members of the new collective
people are constantly contested and repositioned (Drzewiecka, 2002). Thus, when
democratic progress slowed, in part because Shiites and Sunnis resisted the occupation,
President Bush seemed compelled by his own prophetic dualism to intensify
the American military and economic commitment. This renewed commitment made
the Iraqis more dependent on the United States and expended American resources.
But it did not necessarily make the situation better and in some ways made the situation
worse (Ricks, 2006; Shadid, 2005)."

"According to the Bush administration, withdrawing from Iraq would
have enabled America’s ‘evil’ enemies to prevail over the United States and its new Iraqi
allies. As one administration official put it, a premature troop withdrawal amounted to
‘‘surrender,’’ ‘‘defeat,’’ and ‘‘a death sentence for the millions of Iraqis who voted
for . . . a free and democratic society’’ (quoted in Weisman & Williamson, 2007, p. 3A)."
Voice of Iraqis?

"first, as Judith Butler (1997) suggests, the emergence of a
reconstituted and seemingly autonomous identity is rooted in paradox—becoming a
subject is intricately bound up with being subjected to power. In Iraq, Bush rhetorically
constituted the relationship between Americans and the Iraqis in such a manner
that it denied the autonomy requisite for Iraqi self-determination. Moreover, by
describing Iraqis as lacking the resources necessary for instituting democracy, his
public address called attention to an irresolvable lack"

"Second,
advocates must consider the competing worldviews of various audiences and understand
how these identities impede and promote democratic transformation. The contradictions
that arise between competing identities and the narratives that constitute
them pose a tremendous challenge, especially to foreign policy rhetorics which seek
to create founding moments."

"When Iraqis resisted President Bush’s notion of an Iraqi
democratic founding, he defined away the resistance within the confines of a prophetic
dualist frame. This prevented him from adjusting or thinking ‘reflexively’
about this resistance and how it could be transformed into a rhetorical and political resource

275
"President Bush’s foreign policy discourse
has always characterized the world in a simple, dualistic fashion that actually evades
a critical engagement with history and the deeply rooted traditions of other countries."

"escalating violence and lack of overall
democratic progress in Iraq) led to rising discontent in the United States, opening
what Tate (2006) calls ‘‘a rhetorical space’’ from which opponents in Iraq but also in
America could contest the President’s Iraq policy. In the United States, dissenters
revised the prophetic dualist identity, although their resistance did not result in an
immediate withdrawal of American troops from Iraq or seriously oppose the basic
grounds of prophetic dualism."

"Charland’s theory of constitutive rhetoric and its extension
in the work of Burke and Butler. Next, I rhetorically analyze several of President
Bush’s public speeches spanning the period from right before the invasion of Iraq to
immediately after the Iraqi constitutional elections in January 2006. This primary
selection supplies a fairly broad overview of the President’s public discourse on Iraq.
I focus on how Bush’s speeches tried to interpret events in Iraq in prophetic dualist
terms. Finally, I investigate the implications of the President’s speeches for the theory
of constitutive rhetoric. I attend specifically to what this case study reveals about the
constitutive paradoxes and the reflexive inventional possibilities of constitutive rhetoric."

277


"Following Foucault, Butler argues that we must see power as forming the subject and
not just subordinating or relegating it to a lower order. Power supplies the very condition
of the subject’s existence and the future path of its desire. In this sense, power
‘‘is what we depend on for our existence and what we harbor and preserve in the
beings that we are’’ (Butler, p. 2). In Iraq, as Tate (2006) might explain, the ideology
of prophetic dualism became a liberating discourse for many Americans and for some
Iraqis.4 But the rhetoric failed as a constitutive term of collective Iraqi identity: the
political purpose and end implied by the narrative of the American founding in President
Bush’s discourse redefined democracy according to a restrictive agenda, one
imposed from the outside and not particularly attuned to the Iraqi peoples’ unique
cultural=historical traditions. If violence may be said to possess a rhetorical dimension,
the rhetorical space opened up by this failure empowered Iraqi insurgents to
resist coalition and Iraqi government efforts to democratize Iraq, both symbolically
and militarily. In other words, Shiites and Sunnis found themselves addressed by a
discourse of power seeking to awaken them to the possibilities of becoming autonomous
political subjects. Some of them used this autonomy to act democratically,
although this made them dependent on the occupiers to make democracy succeed.
Other Shiites and Sunnis turned around and exercised their autonomy to resist not
only the occupation but each other. In either case, the deployment of American
power ‘formed’ Iraqi subjects, as it were—subjecting Iraqis to the occupation on
the one hand and emboldening Iraqis to resist the occupation on the other.
These developments made it difficult for the United States to achieve its prophetic
dualist goals."

278
" Gelb, in particular, recognized that Iraqis lacked what Charland placed at the center
of his analysis of the peuple Quebecois, an extended rhetoric of national history that
would motivate future independence and restoration. As Gelb (2005) makes clear, many
Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds really aspired to return to a cultural heritage based more in
the premodern past of contested space and divided (though autonomous) identity
and politics, rather than to jump into the modern era as a unified democratic state.
According to Rieff (2003), the CIA agreed with these more realistic assessments
while the neoconservatives in the Bush Administration and within the Department
of Defense consistently asserted ‘‘that there was no reason to suppose that Iraq could
not become a full-fledged democracy, and relatively quickly and smoothly’’ (p. 32).
On several occasions before and after the invasion, President Bush put the best possible
public face on this upbeat neoconservative prediction regarding the possibility
of democracy by illustrating how the various ethnic and religious factions living
in Iraq could be ‘‘unified’’ as one people, the ‘‘Iraqis.’’"



Speech - cold war
279
" Bush once again framed the upcoming invasion in prophetic dualist
terms:
We go forward with confidence, because this call of history has come to the right
country. Americans are a resolute people who have risen to every test of our time.
Adversity has revealed the character of our country, to the world and to ourselves.
At times in this speech, the President played down the altruistic motives of the United
States. He preferred instead to authorize the impending military assault by linking
it to Divine Providence: ‘‘The liberty we prize is not America’s gift to the world, it is
God’s gift to humanity.’’"

"President Bush addressed Iraqis more directly in his March 17, 2003, ‘‘Address
Issuing an Ultimatum to Iraq,’’ a speech delivered only days before the attack that
used virtually the same prophetic dualist language found in his other Iraq war messages.
He asserted that ‘‘Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast,
and I have a message for them.’’ The message was that a military campaign
would ‘‘be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against
you.’’ Bush promised that the United States would provide resources necessary for
‘‘building’’ the nascent democracy, including ‘‘the food and medicine you need.
We will tear down the apparatus of terror and . . . help you to build a new Iraq that
is prosperous and free . . .. The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is
near.’’ He once again emphasized how the United States and other free nations had a
‘‘duty to defend our people by uniting against the violent . . . . tonight as we have
done before, America and its allies accept that responsibility.’’
In these messages, Bush drew from prophetic dualism the idea"
(Americans "suited to do this)
285
" The ideological effects of President Bush’s rhetoric manifested themselves in the
American–Iraqi relationship as a series of constitutive paradoxes. In this section I
consider these paradoxes in greater detail. As suggested above, when Bush hailed
his audiences, he created a paradoxical relationship in which the supposedly freed
and yet occupied people of Iraq could only meet the demands of democracy and freedom
by acting almost entirely as he and the other coalition ‘liberators’ said they
should.6 Their ‘democratic’ being, Burke might say, came from outside—it was
extrinsic to them. Butler would put it this way: the relational terms under which Bush
addressed the other in Iraq were paradoxically self-disabling—the gift to democratic
subjects offered to enable agency yet prevented that autonomy. Subjection and interpellation
are always simultaneously limiting and enabling."
287
"The many different Iraqi insurgent groups, and the threat of an all-out civil war
should the Americans withdraw from Iraq, complicated this paradoxical situation
even more. According to Tate (2006), ‘‘Charland argues that the process of renaming
may enact a constitutive rhetoric, and this constitutive rhetoric may set a historical
narrative into motion’’ (p. 7). However, Bush’s prophetic dualist rhetoric did not resonate
with the material realities and previously articulated identities of Iraqi insurgents.
The insurgents pursued religious and political goals that accorded with their
own ethnic and sectarian identities and narratives. These were in no way consubstantial
with either the American policy or the views of the newly formed Iraqi government.
These identities and narratives were already rhetorically constituted but also
provoked by the American effort to occupy and democratize Iraq. Why did this
provocation occur? One possibility it that the President engaged in what Butler
(1997) calls ‘‘misrecognition’’ (p. 96). The name by which he interpellated Iraqis
who joined the insurgency was not a proper name but an improper political (or ethnic=
religious) category and ‘‘hence a signifier capable of being interpreted in a number of
divergent and conflictual ways’’ (p. 96). These names could have been interpreted
as affirmations or insults, depending on the context in which the hailing occurred
and where, according to Butler, the ‘‘context is the effective historicity and spatiality
of the sign’’ (p. 96)."
287
"Instead, Bush’s rhetoric reduced or ignored
Iraqi ethnic=religious traditions and histories, what Butler calls ‘‘totalizing’’ and
‘‘paralyzing’’ the person who is named (p. 96). As political scientist Larry Diamond
(2004) puts it, ‘‘Too many Iraqis viewed the invasion not as an international effort
but as an occupation by Western, Christian, essentially Anglo-American powers,
and this evoked powerful memories of previous subjugation and of the nationalist
struggles against Iraq’s former overlords.’’ The President characterized insurgents
as ‘‘terrorists,’’ ‘‘Al Qaeda,’’ ‘‘enemies of freedom,’’ ‘‘Saddamists’’ and ‘‘rejectionists.’’"
289
"They must understand that many audiences exist between and among competing
narratives. For Charland (1987; see also 1991), this comprehension moves them closer
toward communicative praxis by overcoming or defining ‘‘away the recalcitrance
the world presents by providing the subject with new perspectives and motives’’
(p. 142). In this sense, President Bush’s rhetoric was not reflexive enough.
In order to encourage a more reflexive democracy in Iraq, efforts to address various
ethnic and sectarian groups will not only have to contain some signs of the audiences’
oppositional ethnic=religious positions but also ‘‘capture alienated subjects by rearticulating
existing subject positions so as to contain or resolve experienced dialectical contradictions
between the world and its discourses’’ (Charland, 1987, p. 142). In other words, as
Gelb (2004) advises, security and other material conditions notwithstanding, the negotiation
of some kind of collective community can only take place if such rhetorics are
based upon the fundamental political reality of Iraq: that none of the three largest
ethnic=religious groups—Arab Shiites, Arab Sunnis and Kurds—will allow itself to
be dominated by the others. Each will fight if its core interests are jeopardized. (p. A12)
Marr adds that political leaders must negotiate political alliances and alignments
created on the basis of ‘‘interests and programs between and among parties that
cut across ethnic and sectarian lines’’ (quoted in Kelleman, 2006)."