Holborow

51
"The ideology of the global market insinuates itself everywhere. At a macro level,
international reports, often emanating from the IMF, the World Bank and the
OECD, chime thick and fast with assumed notions about the need to deregulate,
to open up state companies and services to market competition, to pursue further
trade liberalisation. At a micro level, almost every company website, mission statement
and strategic plan pronounces that ‘demand’ and ‘competition’ are synonymous
with efficiency, cost-effectiveness and ‘best practice’."
Issues with neoliberal world
52
Free markets (commodities and capital) contain all necessary
"to deliver freedom and well-being to all and sundry” (Harvey 2003:
201). The strains of the market resonate not just through official documents, but at
every meeting, in emails and the language of individuals. Ironically, for an ideology
so given to the promotion of ‘choice’, it is expressed in a drab uniformity which
would have made a Soviet bloc bureaucrat blush."

" In what ways is English the bearer of this ideology
and part of US global dominance? Is language playing a more salient, constitutive
role in capitalism today? With ever greater use of communication technologies to
promote, sell and keep selling, has language itself become a product in capitalist
production? Is discourse the same as ideology and, if not, how does ideology interact
with language?"

language ideology interconnection

contested definitions - her definition
" 1. Ideology can appropriately be described as meaning in the service of power
(Thompson 1990: 7). It is a set of ideas that emerges from specific social relations
and supports the interests of a particular social class.

53
2.First, the vision of the world that an
ideology presents can clash with what is actually happening and this can lead
to its seemingly accepted status being questioned. Secondly, there are competing
and different ideologies that exist in society, which means that even
dominant ideologies do not always hold sway and, depending on the weight of
other forms of social contest, are open to being opposed in unpredictable ways
(Gramsci 1971: 333).

3. Language, particularly, because it is everywhere in society and a highly sensitive
indicator of social change, is an immediate (although not the only2) way
of grasping ideology..." (language as tool)

"Because ideology crystallizes
in language, ideology can appear as if frozen in language. Repeated from the lofty
heights of the media and positions of power, these ideological representations can
acquire the status of natural truths and common sense."

Gramsci
" Gramsci made when he identified that this uncritical acceptance was
part of how ruling ideas won consent, or hegemony. In particular, language could
give specific expression to a whole ideology, bestow a new twist to established ways
of thinking which then becomes taken for granted, almost self-evident (Gramsci
1971: 323–325; 418–425)."

metaphor - invisible envelop
54
"‘Labour is a
resource’. The metaphor equates human work with a natural resource which places
the speaker inadvertently in a position which ignores the quality of labour and
sees labour like oil — the cheaper the better (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 236–237)."

Raymond Williams
" Writing at a time of social upheaval, he
could see how language did not simply reflect the processes of society but that
within language itself, some important social historical processes occurred. He
selected certain ‘keywords’ in post-Second World War Britain which he saw as
particularly ideologically sensitive and which encapsulated this dynamic"

"This questioning of the ideological meaning of words can take place over long periods
of time or can be concentrated into shorter periods, especially when social upheavals
and crises break down normal assumptions. Williams’s observations sprang
from the social turmoil post-Second World War and his insights about consensus
and contention around language have, as we shall see, particular resonance again."

55
"One of the
first to lay bare the ideological role that English played for first the British Empire
and then for US imperialism was Robert Phillipson (1992). He locates ‘Englishization’
and linguistic imperialism as part of the project of globalisation order that has
increased the global gap between the haves and the have-nots and he sees English
as an instrument in global dominance (Phillipson 2004). He accepts that this hegemonic
ordering could be challenged but focuses on a challenge outside English
rather than within it."

"This viewpoint underestimates the dynamic of language and the roles of speakers
in its making. ‘Linguistic imperialism’ may highlight the reality of US global
domination, but it also glosses over tensions and challenges that make themselves
felt within a language. Opposition to language dominance, Phillipson proposes,
should take the form of promotion of other and minority languages, as if languages
themselves are ideological standpoints. No one could fail to recognise the fact
that real language choice hardly exists anywhere in the unequal world of today;
nor could anyone deny the ongoing need to defend the right for everyone to speak
their own language."

"As transnational corporations know all
too well, ‘localisation’ can easily live with globalisation. Seeing shifts into other
languages as an act of resistance can overlook — as nationalist ideology often has
— that not every speaker of a dominant language is in a position of power and
minority languages can also be exclusionary and enforced by elites. Opposition to
the system and contesting dominant ideology takes different forms worldwide and
is not dependent on using a particular language."

56
Hardt Negri

"maintain that language itself maintains
social hierarchies — within and across communities “as a relationship between
power and knowledge” (205, 132). They argue that language has become part of"
what they call immaterial production which has become “internal to labour” by
creating “new means of collaboration” and “external to capital” because it is created
outside direct production processes (2005, 147)."

Author, though, says:
 fa

57
" While ideology may help to tie people to the power structures of society, the
manufacture of consent is only one aspect of how capitalism governs, and not even
the determining one. Those in power rule by both force and consent, a fact which
is often left out in accounts of discourse and society, as Blommaert reminds us
(Blommaert 2005: 167–169). The power of discourse is not of the same order as
the power of capital both in terms of experience and effect and forgetting this fails
to identify the driving force of the system as a whole, the drive for profits (Jones,
2004)."

"I argue
here that the notion of ideology, as distinct but also interacting with language, allows
us to better understand the dynamic of social relations of which the makers
of language are part. Ideology, in the Marxist sense, with its constant reference to
wider social forces, helps maintain this vital proportionality and therefore remains
an indispensable tool in any critique of power in society."


metaphors winning degrees of acceptance

"As the US sociologist Michael Mann points out, what the “rest of the world calls
neoliberalism” the US calls “encouraging the world toward more open trade”, preferably
that which favours the US,..."

58
Austrian history
 "The group shared a nostalgia for classical nineteenth century
ideals of laissez-faire entrepreneurialism which, Hayek believed, had been effaced
under the state control of both Nazi and communist totalitarianism (Hayek
1979). Individualism and its making of a ‘spontaneous’, rather than planned, social
order was the fount of social and economic progress. (1979: 12–13)."

"His ideas remained obscure until
economic crisis struck in the 1970s when they found new powerful patrons in the
Institute of Economic Affairs in London, the Heritage Foundation in Washington
and particularly the University of Chicago, where Milton Friedman was drawing
up pure neoliberal models for the economies of South America (Harvey 2005: 74).
Neoliberalism moved centre stage this side of the Atlantic with Thatcher’s government
and her dictum that there was no such thing as society, only individual men
and women. Soon after, under Reagan, Washington channelled the new thinking
through the global conduit of the IMF and required Mexico to implement neoliberal
reforms in return for debt rescheduling."

" describe modern-day neoliberalism as a coherent ideology
and to see its workings through language was the French sociologist Pierre
Bourdieu. He saw the new thinking was “destroying collective structures which
may impede the pure market logic” and the free market was acquiring the status
of unassailable scientific theory. Its advocates — which he saw in the case of
France as an unholy alliance of political, administrative and business elite — presented
free market economics as a kind of incontestable logic
59
"Earlier than other critics of capitalist globalisation, he saw how French capitalism
was restructuring and its new elites embracing economic liberalism. They claimed
it was the necessary condition of political liberty despite the fact that neoliberal
policies were restricting people’s choices not expanding them (Bourdieu 1999). He
argued that a section of the dominant class were tied closely to corporate interests
and together they imposed a unique form of French neoliberalism through state
dirigisme (Lane 2000: 166–192)."

"Interestingly, for one so critical of market fundamentalism,
he sees expressions gaining legitimacy through a kind of linguistic market
(Bourdieu 1992: 106–159). But he stressed how neoliberal logic could be contested
and, returning to an older tradition amongst French intellectuals, reengaged with
the struggles against privatisation and labour deregulation in France. He reaffirmed
the important political role of academics in taking a stand against the facile
identification between economic liberalism and political liberty, and the fake universalism
of the ‘new neoliberal doxa’ which, in reality, serves the interests of the
dominant class (Bourdieu, 2003: 23)."

" Cameron 2001; Fairclough 2003; Blommaert
2003; Heller 2003). Hall, referring to the ‘new managerialism’, has showed how
it becomes the conduit for neoliberal ideas in institutions and the ideology that
turns citizens into consumers (Hall 2003). His view is that people have been inculcated
to a new culture-change, a new kind of common sense “so that slowly
but surely everybody … becomes his/her own kind of ‘manager’” (Hall 2003).
Others remain sceptical that the ‘new managerialism’ has gained consensus."

"Fairclough
also makes the point that much of the manager discourse remains at the
official rather the informal level and few actually adopt the language as their own
(Fairclough 2002: 195)."
60
"Hasan (2003) takes just this approach,
with some interesting insights. She shows how the semantic shift from global, with
its straightforward meaning of “concerning or including the whole world” to globalisation
which now included “lower costs of production”, “expansion of companies
“ and “appropriate take-overs” coincided with the aftermath of the fall of the
Berlin Wall and the opening up of the new markets to global capitalism (Hasan
2003: 434–5). In the same article she identifies processes of meaning shift that
reveal ways in which ideology becomes consensual in language. Re-semanticisation,
which was used in the context of world Englishes and the ways in which they
adapted to different cultures, she sees as a key process whose boundaries here are
set by power and the control of wealth."

"Liberalization of
trade, for example, not only confers all the positive evaluations of liberal (freedom,
tolerance and moderation) to trade but also, she shows, enacts semantic reversal
in so far as global trade is stripped of its self-interest and becomes, as if magically,
in the interest of others (Hasan 2003: 441)."

customer frame
 market place in higher ed
61
"For example, it is not uncommon in educational settings for students to be
referred to as ‘customers’, and not always in quotes. The identification between
what was a traditional customer in receipt of a good in exchange for money and
a student in a learning institution is a metaphor redolent with ideology. It evokes
superficially positive factors, in this case of putting the student first and responding
to what she or he might want."

" The rounded experience of teaching and learning is not
just about product transference from lecturer to student but (as anyone engaged
in it will know) about reciprocity, reference to a larger world and many other
things besides. Behind this ideological metaphor lies something else which does
not make the apparent centering on the student innocent."


"The conversion of
education into a service, learning into a product and a degree into a cash transaction
is not without its ironies in our much heralded ‘knowledge’ economy. From
an ideological point of view, it shows how the intended positive re-semanticisation
of customer can have the opposite effect and actually connote a much diminished
picture of the learning process."

62
Assylum seekers

"customer"
63
64
"Customer’ equalises everyone;
applying it beyond those involved in a purely commercial transaction to other
groups of people distorts social relations and effaces social power. The oppressive
state of affairs which sees individuals having to move from one end of the globe to
another (often as a result of global neoliberal strategies of market restructuring)
and, once having ar65
rived in a strange land, to be subjected to rigorously strict immigration
laws is blithely smoothed away in the customer designation."
:(
"Marx’s description of ideology entailed two crucial aspects: dominant ideologies
reflected the interests of the ruling class and that in this respect they
consisted of a distorted view of the world. Applying the workings of the market
to asylum- seeking, through the apparently anodyne use of ‘customer’, shows
both processes at work."

65
"This is a kind of discrimination in reverse, an
ideological representation whose effacing of social conflict is so exaggerated that
it fails to be perceived as true. Even through their own customer awareness prism,
the Refugee Office recognises something of this dilemma as the quaint “Please
Note” addendum after the Complaints section makes clear: complaints about the
decision to refuse asylum — something that we know over 90% of these ‘customers’
will experience — are ruled out."

customized talk
conditioning factors

"The ideology is presented in simple terms and part of the appeal is to present a
straight line from the individual consumer to the overall workings of the economy,
both stretching towards an endless horizon of ever-greater consumerism. In this
scheme of things individualism and individual interaction is at a premium."
66-67
"Service providers, selling face to face or on-line
adopt what is conventionally considered to be the discourse of interpersonal relationships
in an effort to establish stronger affective links with their customers."

Friendliness at odds with producity (vaneer)

post industrial world?


frustration...call centers


Reminds me of issues at REI

(somewhere?)
"Bourdieu stressed the weight of the neoliberal consensus within what he
called symbolic capital. Interestingly, for one so critical of market fundamentalism,
he sees expressions gaining legitimacy through a kind of linguistic market
(Bourdieu 1992: 106–159)."